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Cute Gets Creepy: Examining the Consequences of Cute Culture

November 18, 2012 by mnburns


Japan has developed a reputation for cute.  The Sanrio Company has ensured the worldwide presence of the cutest creature around, Hello Kitty.   Sanrio is a company that churns out the cute to the tune of $1 billion a year5. Cute has become a movement, but that comes with multiple implications.  Cute can be positive, uplifting, reassuring.  Cute can also be childish, superficial, and, at times, send mixed messages that can have negative implications.

 

What is positive about cute?

Cute can reach across gender and generation.  Cute makes people feel needed, makes them feel like they are taking care of something helpless.  Japanese teenagers use cute as a way to fit in with their friends5

and, in the case of cute handwriting, as a way to communicate with them using a language and writing style3 that is all their own.  Older Japanese females use cute as a way to use their mothering skills.  Japan’s low birth-rate implies that fewer women are married with their own children.  Hello Kitty and other cute creatures provide them with a way to express their nurturing talent.  In addition to encouraging a mothering instinct, cute creatures encourage these women to retreat into innocence themselves.4 The everyday life of a Japanese woman can be extremely ordered and demanding, requiring an adherence to social roles that are stifling.  Embracing cute allows for a break.

 

Cute is not just for Japanese women, however.  All of Japanese society has embraced cute.  Hello Kitty has a line of menswear and teenage boys are tattooed with other Sanrio characters.  Cute has a way of permeating many facets of society.  Banks, heavy-machinery, toilets, and so-called ‘Love-hotels’ are also given a cute makeover.  These businesses and machines generally have a cold, harsh, dirty, or unpleasant connotation but cute changes that.  A backhoe painted to look like a pink giraffe or a love hotel named after “Laura from Little House on the Prairie” puts a friendly face on an otherwise unfriendly and impersonal task.  That pink giraffe and its driver are working together to get the job done.  That love-hotel’s innocent name lends that innocence to the business at hand.6

 

What is negative about cute?

The love hotel with the innocent name is still a place where couples rent space to have sex but when named after a girl from a children’s novel the connection becomes twisted and the lines between mature sex partner and childlike fantasy figure become blurred.  Mary Roach points out in  Wired6 that:

Japanese schoolgirl panties for sale.

 

“Some Japanese men are drawn more to the typical owner of cute merchandise than to the merchandise itself.  The cuteness of a giggling girl clad in a Hello Kitty jumper isn’t entirely innocent.  It ties in to what is well known in Japan as Lolicom, the Lolita complex.  The phenomenon of the little girl as sexual object abounds in Tokyo: Vending machines sell schoolgirls’ used panties, which the girls sell to middlemen.  “Image bars” specialize in escorts dressed in school uniforms.  Telephone clubs feature bored adolescent girls earning spending money by talking dirty.  Sex shops sell a porn magazine called anatomical illustrations of Junior High School Girls.”

 

The negative connotations of cute apply to more than just the blurred lines of sexy and innocent.  Cute culture encourages consumption on a mass scale.  Keeping up with cute implies embracing what might be perceived as frivolity and superficiality.  “Cultural conservatives think this is rather dangerous as such values contribute to weak submissive women who purposely act clueless and never want to grow up.  Feminists also deplore Hello Kitty and the values she represents.”7

What is positive about American cute?

Japan may be the leader in cute but America has certainly taken a turn for the adorable.  YouTube is saturated with videos about laughing babies and sneezing pandas.  These videos hardly scratch the surface of American cute culture.  Sanrio’s first stand-alone store was in San Francisco.4  Americans embrace cute because they embrace youth.  They associate getting old with its negative attributes such as becoming less attractive and perhaps becoming less relevant.  American cuteness, similar to Japanese cuteness, lets its followers feel young again.4  It also gives them an escape from everyday life, which for American adults, tends to include a weak economy, a poor job market, thin relationships, and more.  A smiling Christmas tree or a friendly helpful waffle maker can be uplifting and reassuring.  A friendly face, even if it is on a multicolored robot ornament is encouraging.

 

What is negative about American cute?

American cute has many of the same implications as Japanese cute.  Beauty products aimed at women are marketed in a way that suggests a return to infancy to be sexier.  Fashion has taken cute and made it high fashion.  A Vogue magazine Christmas fashion editorial has a ten-year-old as its central model.  American cute has taken a light hearted movement and twisted it.  Product campaigns are not the only place we see cute in a bad light.  Society has two ways of looking at cute: “Cute objects are either lovely, or else they are delightfully absorbed in some technique that we ourselves take for granted.”  Referring to adults as ‘cute’ implies that they are “innocent,” in need of “protection,” or are suffering from “slight inability.”1 None these phrases inspires confidence or authority in the person described.

Who consumes cute culture?

We have established that cute is everywhere.  Sanrio’s Hello Kitty is a worldwide ambassador of cute but she can be a bit pushy.  Japanese teens report that consuming cute helps them fit in with their friends and feel the pressure to collect all the Hello Kitty merchandise.  With upwards of 15,000 products, that can be quite a task.  Additionally, the pressure is on even those who do not desire to participate in cute culture.  In his article, in the Journal of Material Culture, McVeigh reports, “a number of individuals explained to [him] that though they do not really care for Hello Kitty, they feel they must a ct as if they do.”5  We can see that cute is not completely innocent.

 

How do Japanese media use the lens of cute to view women?

Hiroto Murasawa, an authority on beauty, warns that cute culture can instill “a mentalitiy the breeds non-assertion, individuals who choose to stand out get beaten down.”  With this mindset, more women are acting like children and engaging in childlike and childish behavior.  Women are tending to giggle more, speak in an intentionally high-pitched voice, wear childish clothing, throw temper tantrums or act purposely clueless.  A restaurant featuring maids that are eternally 17 years old perpetuates this youthful submissiveness.  The media encourages this cute display by broadcasting television shows hosted by teenagers, promoting pop stars that cry on command or idolizing actresses who ensure no one ever finds not cute.2

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What does cute culture mean for American women?

“New Girl” Jess is very cute when she pouts.

The pressure for American women to be cute is applied from all forms of media. Aside from the sexualizing of children, we see television shows that reflect an infantilizing of women and a trend toward more harmless, less outwardly intelligent leading female characters whose main goal can often be perceived as achieving the approval of the men around them.

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Television listings supply a surprisingly long list of shows about women in their 20s and 30s, but are called, or refer to themselves as, girls.  Girls, Two Broke Girls, New Girl, The Big Bang Theory and The Mindy Project all feature women whose ages range from 24 to 35 and are single, insecure, sexualized and often directionless.  American media supports cute and increases the pressure on those who are not cute to conform.

Cute can be a positive thing, as I’ve shown, but the power of adorable is overshadowing a darker implication.  The pressure to be cute, and the results of that pressure, can be dangerous. Mass consumption, superficiality, sexualized children and infantile women are not positive outcomes of this movement.  We have to be careful not to put a smiling, pastel, rounded face on these facts.

 

Discussion questions:

1) Cute is adorable and innocent and comforting, but as we’ve seen, it can have a darker side.  Can these two ever be separate again?

2) Sharon Kineslla’s Cuties in Japan tells us that cute is a form of resistance in Japan.  It is a way to refuse to take part in adult responsibilities.  Based on television shows such as New Girl and Jersey Shore, is that true in America?

3) If cute is a form of resistance, what can be said about the pressure to consume more of it to fit in?

 

Sources

1)Bogost, Ian. “Ian Bogost – A Theory of Cuteness.” Ian Bogost – A Theory of Cuteness. Ian Bogost, 12 Aug. 2009. Web. 13 Nov. 2012. <http://m.bogost.com/blog/a_theory_of_cuteness.shtml>.

2)Kageyama, Yuri. “Japan Struggles with ‘cute’ Image | The San Diego Union-Tribune.” Japan Struggles with ‘cute’ Image | The San Diego Union-Tribune. UT San Diego, 15 June 2006. Web. 14 Nov. 2012. <http://www.utsandiego.com/uniontrib/20060615/news_1b15japan.html>.

3)Kineslla, Sharon. “Cuties in Japan.” Women, Media, and Consumption in Japan. By Lise Skov and Brian Moeran. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i, 1995. 222-54. Print.

4)Kovarovic, Sara. “Hello Kitty: A Brand Made of Cuteness.” Journal of Culture and Retail Image. Drexel University’s Design & Merchandising Program, n.d. Web. 15 Nov. 2012. <http://www.library.drexel.edu/publications/dsmr/kovarovic%20final.pdf>.

5)Mcveigh, Brian. J. “How Hello Kitty Commodifies the Cute, Cool and Camp: ‘Consumutopia’ versus ‘Control’ in Japan.” Journal of Material Culture 5.2 (2000): 225-45. Print.

6)Roach, Mary. “Wired 7.12: Cute Inc.” Wired.com. Conde Nast Digital, Dec. 1999. Web. 14 Nov. 2012. <http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/7.12/cute_pr.html>.

7)Turczyn, Coury. “PopCult Magazine/Hello Kitty.” PopCult Magazine/Hello Kitty. PopCult, 2003. Web. 13 Nov. 2012. <http://popcultmag.com/criticalmass/books/kitty/hellokitty1.html>.

 

Filed Under: gnc, GNC-Cute, GNC-Film-TV, GNC-Social-Issues, postings_gnc

Lost Girls, Lovely Boys: Homosexual Romance in Shojou Manga and Anime

November 11, 2012 by Elizabeth Denny

Sailor Moon’s Michiru Kaioh and Haruka Tenou

Japanese fans who tuned into the English-language debut of the seminal “magical girl” anime Sailor Moon might have gotten quite a shock when two of the series’ most popular female charcters, Michiru Kaioh and Haruka Tenou, made their first onscreen appearance. “The look in my cousin’s eyes,” recalls Haruka in a voice-over, describing the first time she met Michiru, “was so intense.”

If you’re unfamiliar with Sailor Moon, this translation probably does not strike you as obviously inaccurate. Unfortunately, in the original Japanese, Haruka and Michiru are not cousins. They are lovers. And within the shoujo genre, they are hardly unusual.

Anyone following the early American anime scene in the 1990’s and early 2000’s, when distributers were rushing to capitalize on the craze for all things Japanese, will recall the extraordinary application of censorship that was required to make the shows “acceptable” to young, Western audiences. While most of what was required for male-oriented programs involved downplaying violence, with female-oriented or shoujo anime, producers faced quite the challenge trying to edit out the homosexual relationships that are a frequent feature of the genre, which were considered inappropriate for young audiences. As you can see below, the changes made to the English version of Sailor Moon resulted in the characters’ relationship seeming quite awkward and, at times, borderline incestuous.

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Although female-female or yuri relationships, such as the one shared by Michiru and Haruka, appear relatively often in shoujo anime and manga, male-male romances are far more popular, some of which are prominent enough to merit their own subgenre, known as shounen ai or “boy’s love.” Some of these relationships are overtly sexual, but many are not. A casual observer might note these multitude of same-sex relationships and thus make the deduction that Japanese society has a relaxed attitude toward gay and lesbian individuals. Unfortunately, this is not remotely the case. This presents an apparent paradox to Western viewers – how can Japanese pop culture be so saturated with images of same-sex romance and yet segregate real-life homosexuals so fiercely?

It is important at this point to note that Japanese society does not place a moral stigma on homosexuality in the way that Christian-origin societies in Europe and America do – in other words, in Japan, the act of gay sex is not considered inherently wrong. Rather, in contemporary Japanese society, homosexual relationships are problematic because a woman who chooses to love a woman, rather than a man, cannot marry, have children, and thus fulfill her role in society. The same applies for gay men. Although there are gay and lesbian communities in Japan, the percentage of “out” individuals is far smaller than in the U.S., and societal pushback for these men and women is punishingly restrictive. What emerges from this situation is a status quo where expressions of homosexuality are tolerated and, particularly in the case of males, indulged – but only up to the point where they do not prevent an individual from fulfilling his or her expected societal role. A 34-year-old lesbian, who chose to identify herself only as “KM,” reinforced this perspective in a 2010 interview with CNN : [2]

KM explains that when she first started going to lesbian and gay bars in Tokyo 10 years ago, it was fine, until her friends began to ask questions. “They asked about my future. ‘When will you marry?’ ‘Why don’t you have a boyfriend?’ They would ask me, and it was trouble,” she says. (“Lesbians in Japan Struggle to Build Their Own Community,” CNN)

A scene from the anime adaptation of The Song of the Wind and the Trees, one of the earliest shounen ai titles for girls.

In other words, KM’s circle of acquaintances had no issue with her going to gay bars – not until signs began to indicate that she did not intend to marry a man. In fact, for many years, certain cultural outlets with homosexual overtones, such as the all-female Takarazuka Theater (whose productions  feature women dressed as men performing in romantic scenes with other women, and whose aesthetics were crucial to the creation of the shojou manga), were praised as “safe outlet[s] for the budding passions of teenage girls and young women until they were older and their sexual desires had matured and shifted ‘naturally’ to anatomically correct men.” (Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan, 143) [3]

Readership, like sexuality, is a complex issue in Japan, but while gay and lesbian individuals do consume and produce this sort of shoujo content, as well as other media, they are not the primary topic of this post. This is because, despite appearances, by and large, these depictions of gay and lesbian romance in manga, anime, and other forms of entertainment are neither intended for, nor an endorsement of, homosexual individuals. Rather, they are produced and consumed almost exclusively by straight women, and within that category, the women are overwhelmingly in the stage of life known as shoujo (少女), literally meaning “young woman” and referring to the period between puberty and marriage. Social anxiety in Japan has focused on the shoujo since the beginning of modernity, largely due to the fact that if women do not perform their necessary societal duties by marrying, having children and then caring for the home and family, not only can men no longer fulfill their duties, but society itself will cease to exist as women are the producers of new citizens. [5] Depictions of same-sex romance in the pop culture products that these young women consume serve to simultaneously assuage these fears and undermine them. You will note that, while men are also expected to fulfill their end of the bargain, there are comparatively fewer restrictions placed on them – which in itself may explain why the seemingly counterintuitive “boy’s love” subgenre is so popular among these young women. [4]

Although it may seem counterintuitive, the reason these works attract such a huge straight female readership is that shounen ai or yuri romance is usually not about hidden homosexual desires, although there are individuals to whom this applies. But particularly when regarding most popular genre, male-male relationships, these stories are about expressing the desired qualities of romance that are denied to women in Japan’s normalized, heterosexual model. They do use these stories to subvert the traditional gender model in Japan, but not in the sense that they want to become men or even gay men. Rather, the ideas being expressed include the idea of romantic partners being equals (something that is impossible in the typical Japanese heterosexual relationship), the female desire to have access to the sexual freedom enjoyed by males, the concept of partners sharing a love so pure that it transcends bodily and cultural limitations (and thus is “not really gay”), and so on. [4] [6] These expressions of sexuality, safely cloaked in “youth” and male bodies, are thus accepted by society: either within the proactive discourse of a safe outlet, as was said about Takarazuka, or the passive one of tolerance, so long as exposure to these titles does not lead to actual homosexual or otherwise deviant behavior.

The romantically involved characters Yukito and Touya, from the shoujo manga Cardcaptor Sakura. Note their feminine features.

But as stated above, the idea of same-sex romance manga and anime as a kind of “nicotine patch” for gay tendencies, while not invalid, misses an important dimension of their appeal. Since these stories are written almost exclusively for female audiences, it has been often argued that particularly in the case of male-male romances, the male bodies depicted in these stories are less masculine than androgynous or even feminine, allowing them to function as, depending on the theorist, either feminine stand-ins or safe, genderless expressions of ideal romance. In short, depicting the ideal female romance through the bodies of two men removes the constraints of gender politics and allows readers to instead focus on the relationship. This view can also be applied to yuri romance, although those types of stories are far more tied to questions of female identity – a controversy that perhaps explains why they are less popular.

In other words, according to many observers and fans, the popularity of same-sex romances among heterosexual female consumers has little to do with these women being sexually stimulated by images of gay and lesbian romantic relationships. Instead, they are a way for them to escape the norms of heterosexual love and criticize its boundaries without drawing criticism themselves. Such relationships allow these women to safely express their desire to love in ways that are not open to them in contemporary Japanese society, and to be free from the sometimes repressive expectations of gender, marriage, and heterosexual life.

 

Discussion Questions

1. What purposes does female consumption of male-male romance serve for Western audiences? How is the popularity of “slash fiction,” or Western fan stories that pair straight male characters in romantic relationships, different from the appeal of Japanese shounen ai? How is it similar?

2. Although depictions of same-sex relationships in popular media are less “taboo” than in America, they are still a source of social anxiety for Japan regarding young women. Do Western media portrayals of same-sex relationships carry the same kinds of concerns? What group(s) are they directed at?

3. Although most theorists believe that male-male romance in particular functions as some sort of outlet for Japanese female audiences, there are many differing explanations as to why and in what ways. For example, some scholars believe that the gender of the relationship is irrelevant. Others link it to a desire on the part of young women to experience the kind of sexual freedoms that men do. Is there an explanation that you find particularly compelling or particularly inaccurate on this matter?

 

Sources:

1. Levi, Antonia, Mark McHarry and Dru Pagliassotti, ed. Boys’ Love Manga: Essays on the Sexual Ambiguity and Cross-Cultural Fandom of the Genre. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2008.

2. Nakagawa, Ulara. “Japan’s Lesbians Still Scared to Come Out.” CNN International, November 19, 2010. Accessed November 11, 2012. http://www.cnngo.com/tokyo/life/lesbians-in-Japan-struggle-to-build-their-own-community-814836

3. Robertson, Jennifer Ellen. Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan. Berkley: University of California Press, 1998.

4. Saito, Kumiko. “Desire in Subtext: Gender, Fandom, and Women’s Male-Male Homoerotic Parodies in Contemporary Japan.” Mechadamia 6 (2011). Accessed November 11, 2012. doi: 10.1353/mec.2011.0018

5. Shamoon, Deborah. Passionate Friendship: The Aesthetics of Girls’ Culture in Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2012.

6. Welker, James. “Flower Tribes and Female Desire: Complicating Early Female Consumption of Male Homosexuality in Shoujo Manga.” Mechadamia 6 (2011). Accessed November 11, 2012. doi: 10.1353/mec.2011.0018

 

Related Links:

Kawaii, Kogals, and Loli: Examinations of Japanese Female Subcultures

Triumph of the School Girl

Standing Out and Fitting In: Street Fashion and the Search for Identity and Power in Post-Bubble Japan

 

Filed Under: gnc, GNC-Manga-Anime, GNC-Shojo-Girls, GNC-Social-Issues, postings_gnc

Meme Machine: A Case for 4channers as the Ultimate Database Animals

November 5, 2012 by Chris Young

 

PSY from “Gangnam Style” (2012)

Anyone who spends more than an hour a day online has had a run-in with an internet meme. Trust me; it’s more likely than you think. If lolcats and Gangnam Style are familiar to you, then you have had the dubious honor of experiencing some of the finest subculture produced by the world wide web.  More importantly, you’ve engaged in the sort of participatory postmodern culture production which characterizes post-Bubble Japanese society. In the wake of world wars and economic disaster, Japan’s pop culture has blown past the boundaries of modernity and moved forward into the progressive, edgy, and often nonsensical realm of Hiroki Azuma’s database model. So what does this have to do with a cat wearing a PopTart, flying through space via rainbow propulsion? The answer to this question can best be explained through an internet field trip.

Classic lolcat meme format.

4chan is a notorious imageboard that was born on October 1, 2003, the brainchild of a fifteen year old self-proclaimed American otaku with a vision. Christopher Poole wanted to architect a discussion and information-sharing platform, free of charge, for fellow anime enthusiasts. The coding for the site was lifted with little modification from the Japanese otaku imageboard Futaba Channel, itself a derivative of the well-known and still-active 2 Channel. It runs almost exclusively off of user-generated content and has no hierarchy of users due to the posters’ complete anonymity. There is no registration option, no terms of service agreements, and no archive. Posts are either kept at the top pages of the boards due to high traffic and activity, or they die off quickly and are forever purged from the site–the average post lasts only 3.9 minutes, according to a 2011 paper published by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology [1]. It’s a unique and brilliant system that allows for the content of a post to determine its lifespan and popularity, instead of longevity being decided by the users that generate the posts.

Content on the most active board, /b/, is intentionally random, has little continuous relevance between posts, and ranges from photos of adorable cats to graphic suicide videos preserved in GIF format. /b/ has no static membership, no record, and no accountability. As of July 2008, it generates between 150,000-200,000 unique posts per day. It receives thirty percent of all site traffic to 4chan, and it is undoubtedly the meme-producing hotspot of the internet. /b/ also hosts the sometimes social activist group Anonymous, an ephemeral hacker collective responsible for the crashing of Visa, MasterCard, and Paypal sites and the denial of service attacks against racist radio personality Hal Turner in 2007. Described as “hackers on steroids” and an “internet hate machine,” /b/ is a perfect example by which to fully appreciate Hiroki Azuma’s database model in action.YouTube Preview Image

According to Azuma, there is a degree to which humans under the database model come to consume cultural products without any desire for an underlying meaning. The thirst for the grand narrative, the overarching themes of humanity and nationalism that united us during the modern era, is either missing or, according to theorists like Azuma, replaced instead with meaningless micronarratives and smaller narratives with which increasingly fragmented portions of the global population can identify [2]. Gone are the days in which consumers demanded a transcendent theme or moral to their cultural products—instead, the new face of consumerism is to be found in derivative works, in remixed versions of simulacrum. Copyright laws mean next to nothing on the internet, and original context is something that holds little value to the average web user. Instead, value is found in the virality and popularity of memes—this term was first coined by evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins in his 1979 book The Selfish Gene, and is defined as follows:

Examples of memes are tunes, ideas, catch-phrases, clothes fashions, ways of making pots or of building arches. Just as genes propogate themselves in the gene pool by leaping from body to body via sperms or eggs, so memes propagate themselves in the meme pool by leaping from brain to brain via a process which, in the broad sense, can be called imitation [3].

Memes in the contemporary definition of the word are artifacts of popular culture which stand alone from any greater political, socioeconomic, or moral meaning and are instead spread by word of mouth either over the internet or in real life. These are the lolcats and Rickrolls of the modern age, and these memes stand completely independent of their original context—for almost none of them are original products of culture—and are shared across the globe as having value. In the world of instant culture production, 4chan reigns supreme. These memes are generated, spread, and consumed at a staggering rate, and all outside any attempt at a greater grand narrative. /b/ in particular seems to operate almost exclusively in a language of remixed, mashed-up, and recycled memes.

The emblem of Anonymous.

If animalization of the consumers is a paramount attribute of the otaku, then the self-proclaimed /b/tards of 4chan are the royalty of database animals. This animalization is a product of what philosopher Alexandre Kojeve theorizes is a return to basic, or ‘low’ culture, from the modernist ‘high’ culture of years past. Working within this high domain of criticism, postmodern culture—devoid of grand narratives and higher meaning—is therefore subversive and holds less value than the aristocratic arts and culture of the modern era. As a testament of direct opposition to this stance, Azuma’s database animals have leveled the playing field in terms of what constitutes value in cultural objects, like memes, and the hierarchy of culture production has been brought to its knees. There is no longer an aristocracy to judge memes unworthy of value or meaning, and in postmodernity anyone is capable of producing meaningful culture. There is perhaps no greater example of this fact than the content generated by /b/. Cole Stryker, author of Epic Win for Anonymous: An Online Army Conquers the Media, had this to say:

But what I found on 4chan was a distillation of what made the web so special. It’s wild and weird—a level playing field where physicists and fathers rub shoulders with horny teenagers and senior citizens who compulsively collect their bellybutton lint in mason jars, with photographic proof. To be honest, I often find the place generally repulsive, but sometimes repulsive things have massive influence. On 4chan, you never quite known whom or what you’re going to run into. 4chan is like that burnout teenager who asked you and your childhood friends if y’all wanted to see a dead body down by the train tracks [4].

PUDDI is a well-known /b/-generated meme with obvious Japanese influences.

The forced anonymity of the imageboard, along with a persistent, pervading theme of shaming anyone attempting to stand out from the hivemind of /b/, ensures that all culture and knowledge generated is non-hierarchical and hyperflat. A post concerning the 2012 presidential election can be found directly after a so-called ‘You Laugh, You Lose’ thread, in which the participants post increasingly ridiculous or hilarious images in schoolyard attempt to make each other tap out. There is no way of verifying anyone’s opinions or information, and a teenaged kid stands just as much a chance of becoming the next temporary internet hero as the middle-aged computer programmer in the next thread over.

More interestingly, because most of the content lacks original context or meaning, the imageboard itself has become a sort of transient, ephemeral database for memes in its own right. Individual elements are selected from the repository of /b/’s collective memory–remember, there is no archive–and refashioned into something entertaining or noteworthy, then regurgitated with alarming frequency to voracious consumers. While this probably isn’t the vision of a database model that Azuma had in mind back in 2001, the technoculture of 2012′s 4chan is a perfectly functioning example of this database consumerism.

Nyan Cat in its natural habitat.

No greater meaning can be found in a cat wearing a PopTart in space—it isn’t a social commentary on any larger narrative, and it doesn’t really even make sense on a micronarrative scale. It’s simply the internet’s bizarre sense of humor making itself apparent in another meme, yet it holds some intrinsic value to its consumers or else the hundreds of derivative works, videos, and flash animations involving Nyan Cat would not exist.

Azuma’s database model relies also on a so-called otaku sociality that is readily visible in 4chan’s community of anonymous members. The bonds in a database society are forged and maintained by interest in information-sharing, not in any mandatory kinship or familial community. There is no accountability for the generation, maintenance, or propagation of content, and membership is both ephemeral and completely voluntary. Unlike other social or information-sharing sites on the web, 4chan’s complete anonymity leaves little responsibility for its content and actions. Henry Jenkins, in his 2006 book Fans, Bloggers, and Gamers: Exploring Participatory Culture, states:

The new knowledge communities will be voluntary, temporary, and tactical affiliations, defined through common intellectual enterprises and emotional investments. Members may shift from one community to another as their interests and needs change, and they may belong to more than one community at a time. Yet, they are held together through the mutual production and reciprocal exchange of knowledge [5].

While a valid argument for the intellectual capacity and value of /b/’s content can be undertaken, that line of thought is unfortunately outside the scope of this article. Instead, Jenkins’s assertion fits the dynamic of 4chan’s community perfectly and highlights the postmodern database archetype which Azuma argues is the platform from which otaku culture flourishes. A tribute to both participatory culture and the horrors of the internet, 4chan’s /b/ serves as a fascinating case study into the application of Azuma’s database model on real-time culture generation. I’d recommend you wipe your browser history after visiting, though.

Sources

[1] Bernstein, Michael S. et al. “4chan and /b/: An Analysis of Anonymity and Ephemerality in a Large Online Community.” Proc. ICWSM (2011): 50-57. Print.

[2] Azuma, Hiroki. Otaku: Japan’s Database Animals. Trans. Jonathan E. Abel and Shion Kono. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009. Print.

[3] Dawkins, Richard. The Selfish Gene. London: Oxford University Press, 1979. Print.

[4] Stryker, Cole. Epic Win for Anonymous: An Online Army Conquers the Media. New York: Overlook Press, 2011. Print.

[5] Jenkins, Henry. Fans, Bloggers, and Gamers: Exploring Participatory Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2006. Print.

Discussion Questions

  1. In what ways does 4chan typify the otaku sociality as described by Azuma and Jenkins?
  2. /b/’s members both value hyperflatness in their content-sharing and have a penchant for shaming new members and rookies to their culture.  How does this hypocrisy simultaneously embrace and reject the idea of non-hierarchical culture generation?
  3. What role does the instant accessibility of the internet play in the database concept behind 4chan?  Would memes be as likely to ‘go viral’ or propagate in a world without the internet?
  4. 4chan is the offshoot product of an originally Japanese invention, 2 channel.  Is 4chan a relic of Japanese culture in its own right, or would an American imageboard of its type have likely arisen without influence from otaku technoculture?  Would 4chan be as popular as it is today had it not been founded on, and continually value, Japanese anime culture?
Filed Under: GNC-Social-Issues, postings_gnc, topic-pop culture, topic-social phenomena

A Lonely Lockdown: The Hikikomori Phenomenon

March 27, 2011 by dbreilly

by Dylan Reilly

Imagine, that, for whatever reason, life seems simply unbearable to you. You may be in school and being constantly bullied, or having a job you hate with no foreseeable hope for a better one, or you may simply be depressed. Now think, what kind of solution is there for you? In Japan, one of the most common answers for young people seems to be “stay home and don’t come out”. An increasingly prevalent issue in modern Japan, and especially its youth, is that of the hikikomori. Literally meaning something like “being confined”, it refers to the shut-in population of the country. However, this does not refer to those who must remain in their homes because of extenuating circumstances like health, but rather fully healthy (usually) individuals who simply refuse to leave their house, and often not even their room at that. Some may occasionally leave for such things as short shopping trips or meals with their family. [1] And interestingly enough, around 80 percent of hikikomori are male. [2] [Read more...]

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