The Death of Manga: Failure to Adapt

Like all print media, Japanese manga might just be a victim of the times we live in. Manga, or Japanese comic book, sales peaked in 1995, at the end of the Dragon Ball saga in

www.animeyume.com

www.animeyume.com

Shounen Jump, and haven’t risen to comparable levels since [1]. For a short while, although domestic manga sales were falling, the manga market was able to find new life in the West, especially in American markets, but that well of consumers has dried up since its peak in 2007 [2]. Until about 2012, Western manga sales dropped 43% among consumers [3][4]; this decline in sales wasn’t helped by the collapse of Borders, one of the biggest manga selling chains in the US, or by the financial crisis of 2008. Manga is in a unique situation, both at home and abroad, where it is a form of print media suffering the same ailments as most print media, but is having difficulties adapting to a digital form.

Cause of Death

What was once manga’s greatest strength, is now perhaps one of its greatest weaknesses: its young audience. The population decline in Japan is slowly draining the pool of potential readers for manga, and youngsters abroad can’t afford the higher prices of manga when it’s easy to find for free on the internet. While some publishers have taken to targeting older and older audiences, such as with Weekly Comic Bunch’s publication of the Fist of the North Star sequel, it’s simply unsustainable as the readers begin to die off [2]. It’s also impractical and

"Barakumon"

“Bakuman”

environmentally irresponsible to spend money on physical copies of manga, often printed with cheap ink on cheaper paper, when living spaces are becoming smaller and smaller. Some consumers complain that many manga are all the same, and that few new artists dare to break the mold of a genre [1], but it’s difficult to hire talents you aren’t sure are going to do well in such a tight market. The current magazine model itself is outdated and broken, relying on people to buy 400-500 page magazines every week or month just to read one or two currently running manga that they like so that less popular authors will receive spillover readership. But perhaps, this isn’t the death of manga, just the death of manga as we know it.

Cellphone Manga

While print manga sales are declining, the cellphone manga industry is booming. Sales hit ¥4.6 billion in 2005, doubled in 2006 [5], and reached sales totals of ¥42.8 billion in 2009 [6]. Part of the boom can be explained using the usual reasons digital media is outgrowing print media in the West: convenience and price, but another huge reason is its discretion. The most popular genres of cellphone manga are pornography, romance and comedy [6], and there’s an obvious gender imbalance in who’s buying these manga. Keitai Shueisha reports a readership of 70% women, 30% men [6], and one of the biggest selling genres in cellphone manga is the boys’ love genre. Cellphone manga cuts out the embarrassment of having to buy the manga in store, as well as the risk that someone might catch you reading it in public. Of course, there are drawbacks to cellphone manga, such as the difficulty of printing full manga pages on small cellphone screens, and it still doesn’t solve one fundamental problem in manga publishing: how to showcase new talents.

Self-publishing

While many traditional publishers are stagnating, the self-publishing or doujinshi industry is booming. While a great many doujinshi are pornographic in nature, there have been several mega-hits, such as Hetalia and One Punch Man, and many less-popular web comics are finding their own loyal readerships. Some popular comics, such as Kyo no Nekomura-san, Boku OtarymanTonari no 801-chan and the two mega-hits stated above have all received anime adaptations or have one planned for the near future.

New Wave: 4-panel Manga

One of the fastest growing genres in manga is the yon-koma or 4-panel style manga. Chapters tend to be a series of four panel long stories that play off gags, geekiness and fanservice. They’re popular among more casual readers, since they have no long, drawn out plot like Dragon Ball or One Piece, and the reader can start reading from any point in the story.

Shounen Jump begs fans not to upload scans of their manga online

Shounen Jump begs fans not to upload scans of their manga online

They also have the benefit of being easy to read on computer screens and smartphones. While many critics have doubted the ability of 4-panel comics to be a hit abroad, due to their difficult to translate jokes that often rely on cultural context [2], this is reputed by the popularity of Azumanga Daioh, K-ON!, Lucky Star, Sunshine Sketch, and Hetalia, both domestically and internationally.

Legitimizing Fan Translators

 

It’s no surprise that manga publishers hate fan translators, but one solution to the stagnation of the manga market is to try and reincorporate its former Western audience by integrating fan translators. Several attempts have been made, specifically by Ken Akamatsu, creator of j-comi, a website devoted to legally digitizing out of print manga by encouraging Japanese pirates to upload their scans. The most ambitious project, Digital Manga Publishing’s Digital Manga Guild, invites fan translators and typesetters to localize titles in a profit-sharing agreement, but they lack the draw of big name publishers.

Conclusions

 The problem is that most publishers lack any kind of digital strategy, and one or two websites with mid-tier obscure titles isn’t going to have the draw that huge aggregate scanlation sites have. Manga isn’t going to disappear—despite its stagnation, it’s still a much larger industry than the American comics industry, it just might have to learn to adapt or face a far smaller variety of titles in publication in the future.

 

 

Discussion Questions:

1. Two concurrent trends are happening in manga: the growing popularity of four-panel slice of life comics and increased nostalgia for 70’s and 80’s sci-fi manga. Overall, do trends in the manga industry point to a move towards or away from Azuma’s database model?

2. Due to the drop in sales abroad and domestically, is Japan losing some of its “National Cool”?

Related Links:

“The Anime Economy” by Justin Sevakis: http://www.animenewsnetwork.com/feature/2012-03-05

Kentaro Takekuma and Ken Akamatsu: “The role manga editors should take in the e-publishing era” http://2chan.us/wordpress/2011/04/17/article-translation-the-exhaustive-debate-between-kentaro-takekuma-x-ken-akamatsu-%E2%80%9Cthe-role-manga-editors-should-take-in-the-e-publishing-era%E2%80%9D-part-1/

Citations:

[1] Wiseman, Paul. “Manga comics losing longtime hold on Japan.” USA Today. 18 October 2007. Web. 26 April 2015. http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2007-10-18-manga_N.htm

[2] Thompson, Jason. “Why manga publishing is dying (and how it could get better).” io9. 23 January 2012. Web. 26 April 2015. http://io9.com/5874951/why-manga-publishing-is-dying-and-how-it-could-get-better

[3] ICv2. “A second bad year in a row for manga.” ICv2. 16 April 2010. Web. 26 April 2015. http://icv2.com/articles/comics/view/17292/a-second-bad-year-row-manga

[4] Hudson, Laura. “ICV2 projects graphic novel sales down 20%, digital comics up over 1000% in 2010.” Comics Alliance. 7 October 2010. Web. 26 April 2015. http://comicsalliance.com/digital-comics-sales/

[5] Hall, Kenji. “Mobil-phone manga storms Japan.” Bloomberg Business. 9 April 2007. Web. 26 April 2015. http://www.bloomberg.com/bw/stories/2007-04-09/mobile-phone-manga-storms-japanbusinessweek-business-news-stock-market-and-financial-advice

[6] Akimoto, Akky. “Possibilities are endless as Japan’s manga fans turn cell phones into libraries.” Japan Times. 17 November 2010. Web. 26 April 2015. http://www.japantimes.co.jp/life/2010/11/17/digital/possibilities-are-endless-as-japans-manga-fans-turn-cell-phones-into-libraries/#.VT2W46YqPYB

Hybridization: Japan’s Presence in American Cartoons

Japanese Anime’s presence in western cartoons has been prevalent for years, exemplified in the drawing and animation style in shows such as Teen Titans and Avatar: The Last Airbender. But in recent years, a number of American-looking cartoons utilizing anime-like elements have come into the foreground of popularity. Rather than discussing anime’s influence on Western media through the anime-looking western cartoons of the early 2000’s, I will be discussing these recent “hybridized” cartoons to exhibit Japan’s influence on America.

Japanese Cartoons versus American Cartoons

Before introducing the anime influenced American cartoons, it is important to establish definitions for anime and American cartoons.

Anime, from a western perspective, is linked to aesthetically pleasing details that are not present in American cartoons, be it in music, art style, or animation. As one interviewer notes on perceived anime style, “Anime focuses a lot on the eyes,” which is seen as unique to American audiences. [1] But this attention to detail expands beyond the eyes in anime. Take the transformation sequence from Sailor Moon: The character is designed as an attractive young woman with detailed, “shiny” eyes; the animation pans over the girl’s body from various angles, with flowing animation from the hair and skirt; the cooing background music accentuates the excitement and beauty of the transformation, but does not interact with the cartoon beyond adding mood. All of these elements in music and animation are not typically present in American cartoons—possibly because the features, while attractive, do not provide any real content to the episode.

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On the other hand, American cartoons focus on simple function in exchange for detail. The function-based nature of American cartoons can be seen in The Fairly OddParents: the characters are designed in a simple—yet functional—cartoon style rather than modeled after more realistic human anatomy; animations consist of the necessities including speaking animations and animations when picking up/using objects; and the music occurs only when something relevant in the scene occurs (for instance, a flourish when a scene begins, or brief celebratory music for positive occurrences). Thus, each element has its purpose in moving the episode’s plot along.

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Put simply, anime tends to focus on aesthetically attractive details regardless of purpose, while American cartoons favor functional simplicity in exchange for detail.

The Japanese-American Hybrid Cartoon

Hybridization occurs when a cartoon—in this case, an American cartoon—is able to execute both American cartoon features (simplicity and functionality) and anime features (aesthetic detail) simultaneously. While there are a number of recent hybrid cartoons, I will use Steven Universe to exemplify hybridization.

Steven Universe, created by Rebecca Sugar, is a sci-fi mixed with slice of life cartoon starring Steve, a half-magical half-human boy, and his female alien companions Pearl, Amethyst, and Garnet. Together, these characters are known as “The Crystal Gems.” The influence in the show taken from anime is evident: the creator claims that she is a fan of many anime series and often makes references to outside anime and cartoons, but aims to use these elements to “make something really new.” [2] Sugar’s account of anime influence differs from how older creators account for the anime influence in their cartoons. For instance, the creators of Avatar: The Last Airbender explicitly reference Japan inspiration, stating that their “love for Japanese Anime… [and] Eastern philosophies led to the initial inspiration for Avatar.” [3] In this way, Steven Universe can be set apart from explicitly anime-like western creations. While Steven Universe uses anime elements, is not meant to make explicit its anime elements—rather, it is indeed a true hybrid, leaning closer toward neither anime nor American cartoon.

(left to right) Cast of Steven Universe, cast of Avatar: The Last Airbender, Sailor Moon

(left to right) Cast of Steven Universe, cast of Avatar: The Last Airbender, Sailor Moon

One of the major ways in which Steven Universe exhibits its hybrid identity is through the detail in character design. Characters are fairly diverse in general shape; character outfits each have their own individual style (delicate for Pearl, rebellious for Amethyst, etc.); and the designs incorporate certain “moe elements” usually associated with anime, such as purple or spiked hair. But despite this detail, the designs still retain a certain simplicity to them reminiscent of American-style cartoons—namely in the simplicity of the character eyes, and utilization of simple shapes to create the characters rather than modeling directly off of human anatomy.

Using these hybrid characters, Steven Universe is able to execute aesthetic-driven scenes without awkwardness, while also smoothly presenting more American style narratives. This utilization of both spheres is exemplified in the episode “Steven the Sword Fighter.” The episode’s beginning contains comedic American-style banter between Steven and the Crystal Gems, lacking background music and serving the purpose of introducing the topic of the episode. Subsequently, the episode features a swordfight between Pearl and “Holo-Pearl” (a clone hologram of Pearl). The battle exhibits various camera angles and complex fighting animations, backed by delicate piano and synth music to frame the mood. The battle scene would be difficult to picture with more traditional American characters such as Timmy Turner, while the comedic banter earlier in the episode would be equally peculiar with anime-style characters. But through the hybridization of the series characters, Steven Universe is able to perform both anime-style and American cartoon-style scenes and features.
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Implications of Hybrid Cartoons

Hybridizations illustrates the way an essence of J-cool has penetrated American popular culture: individuals can consume J-cool features even without direct exposure to Japanese material. An American cartoon fan cannot consume anime features watching, say, The Fairly OddParents; further, such a fan cannot consume anime features directly from watching anime, as anime would be outside of their scope of consumable material. Yet if the American cartoon fan watches a hybrid cartoon such as Steven Universe, he can indirectly consume anime features present in the show. Furthermore, the detailed anime elements such as camera angles and background music can be consumed by the fan, and subsequently perceived as regular for American cartoons.

hybrid diagram

Cartoon fans consuming anime features without watching anime, and vise versa

The normalization of J-cool aspects in American media through hybrid cartoons suggests that J-cool elements have potential to become integral aspects of American pop culture. Thus, these new cartoons provide evidence of the increasing pop culture power Japan harbors over the west.

 

Discussion Questions
1. What is the relationship between early 2000’s anime-like American cartoons and J-cool’s presence in America? Do they differ significantly from hybrid cartoons?

2. The existence of anime-looking American cartoons such as Avatar: The Last Airbender illustrate that Anime has had a presence in American animation more than decade a go. Why is the hybridization of Anime and American cartoons occurring now, rather than earlier?

3. Steven Universe is a hybrid cartoon created in America. Can hybrid cartoons be created in Japan? If so, how? In what ways would Japanese hybrid cartoons differ from American hybrid cartoons?

Sources
[1] “Bee and PuppyCat Creator Natasha Allegri Is Very…” Interview by Frederator Times. Frederator Times. N.p., 14 Nov. 2014. Web. <http://times.frederator.com/post/101804267445/bee-and-puppycat-creator-natasha-allegri-is-very>.

[2] “Our Interview With the Cast and Creator of Cartoon Network’s Steven Universe!” Interview by Susana Polo. The Mary Sue. Dan Abrams, 15 Oct. 2014. Web. <http://www.themarysue.com/steven-universe-interview/>.

[3] “AVATAR’S BRYAN KONIETZKO AND MICHAEL DANTE DIMARTINO.” Interview by EDUARDO VASCONCELLOS. ING. Ziff Davis, 6 Sept. 2007. Web. <http://www.ign.com/articles/2007/09/06/interview-avatars-bryan-konietzko-and-michael-dante-dimartino>.

4. Sugar, Rebecca. “Steven the Sword Fighter.” Steven Universe. Cartoon Network. 19 Apr. 2014. Television.

5. Hartman, Butch. “Hail to the Chief.” The Fairly OddParents. Nickelodeon. 27 Sept. 2002. Television.

6. Satou, Junichi, Kunihiko Ikuhara, and Takuya Igarashi, dirs. Sailor Moon. TV Asahi. 1992. Television.

7. DiMartino, Michael D., and Bryan Konietzko. Avatar: The Last Airbender. Nickelodeon. 2005. Television.

The Complex Role of Women in Japanese Media

When looking at representation of women in modern media, it is easy to default to the paragons and the villains. Studio Ghibli’s Spirited Away is often lauded for its fantastic main female character Chirio, and the incredibly popular Death Note is often criticized for its one dimensional stereotypes of women. In a country that still retains conservative social ideals, much of its media reflects the complexity of gender relations in the modern world. I wanted to dissect two noteworthy examples: the anime Kill la Kill, from renowned director Hiroyuki Imaishi, and the manga series Bakuman, from writer Ohba Tsugumi and artist Takeshi Obata. Both tackle two elements of women in different ways: women in relation to their sex, and women in relation to societal expectations.

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When Kill la Kill had its initial run in the fall of 2013, it ignited a firestorm of debate across the internet. The anime received both harsh condemnation and extreme praise for its portrayal of women, mostly through its main protagonist Ryuko Matoi and its main antagonist Satsuki Kiryuin. The story is set in a world where a school is run as a quasi-fascist state by Satsuki, who uses school uniforms infused with power to keep the student body in a rigid hierarchy. Ryuko arrives at the school, swearing vengeance against Satsuki for the death of her father. Both use incredibly powerful seifuku (traditional Japanese school uniforms) called kamui to battle it out over the fate of the school.

One thing that immediately stands out to the viewer is the astounding amount of “fanservice”, nudity intended to please a largely male demographic. The uniforms transform into what can barely be recognized as clothing, and the various poses the two characters strike as they battle could easily belong to a soft core pornagraphic catalogue. Many of the beginning scenes can be incredibly uncomfortable to many viewers, and some are borderline rapey. The case against Kill la Kill is incredibly easy to make.

The longer the series went, the more holes began to form in the case against Kill la Kill. A variety of blogs began to comment on the deeper meanings behind Kill la Kill, and the commentary related to the female perspective seemed to fall into two general categories: self-confidence in sexualization and weaponized femininity. Both ideas play of off and strengthen the other. At the onset of the series, Ryuko is incredibly embarrassed and ashamed of her kamui. Many of the characters go out of their way to comment on how shameful and indecent it is (Atelier). This is in contrast to Satsuki, who views the kamui as a necessary and powerful tool to help achieve her ambitions. Satsuki exclaims “Exhibitionist? Nonsense… the fact that you are embarrassed by the values of the masses only proves how small you are!” (Atelier). Satsuki sees the traditional views of the “pure” woman as something only valued by the hive mind of society. If something empowers women, why should they care what others have to say about it? At the beginning of the series, the sex appeal of Ryuko’s outfit comes not for her “confidence or ownership of the outfit”, but rather “from her being overpowered or ashamed by it”(Atelier). Following the declaration from Satsuki, Ryuko embraces the the outfit and the power that comes with it. She rejects the conservative view of the “purity” of women for the power that comes with self-confidence in yourself and your body.

The various outfits Ryuko wears throughout the series. Created by barfingprince/Tumblr

The power that comes from these school uniforms expresses the idea of “weaponized femininity”. The title of the anime, Kiru la Kiru, is actually a pun on キル, the Japanese writing for the English word “kill”, 切る, to cut, and 着る, to wear (Romano). To quote Romano, “Perhaps the strongest way in which the narrative actively resists being slotted into a box marked ‘gratuitous fanservice’ is the way in which it actively focuses its plot on the way its female characters react to and contend with the experience of being looked at and forced to strip down in order to fight.” Ryuko’s and Satsuki’s femininity is represented by what they wear (or lack there of), and their appearance expresses the power they possess. Navigating the world of female fashion successfully empowers the women of Kill la Kill (Romano).

While Kill la Kill focuses on female empowerment through embracing sexuality and femininity, Bakuman stands in a different corner of the gender relations spectrum. It focuses on the societal expectations of women, and breaks some of these expectations while supporting others.

Bakuman follows the quest of two young men Akito Takagi and Moritaka Mashiro as they devote themselves to becoming the best manga artists in Japan. The pair are not only motivated by the various rivals they encounter, but also by their respective love interests, a clumsy but cheerful Kaya Miyoshi and the pure, beautiful Miho Azuki. Much of the story revolves around a promise Miho and Moritaka have between each other: when each achieve their dreams (Miho as a voice actress and Moritaka as a manga artist), they will get married. Much like Kill la Kill, the beginning of the series does not seem promising: much like the “damsel in distress” archetype, both Kaya and Miho are seen as goals that drive the plot of the male characters Akito and Moritaka. Both of the characters make comments that support conservative views of gender relations: women are best as wives and caretakers. Kaya remains in this expected role, spending most of the series supporting the main male characters in their endeavors. But many other women appear in a variety of roles, some even as direct competitors to Akito and Moritaka. Later on in the series, after Akito and Moritaka have become successful manga artists, it is up to Miho to win a competition to achieve her and Moritaka’s promise from the beginning, while the male protagonists can only helplessly watch. This reverses the traditional “damsel in distress” narrative, where a woman serves as an object that requires rescuing from a male protagonist. Instead, it is Miho who must use her skills and abilities to fulfil her end of the promise, a modern and egalitarian end to an otherwise conservative narrative arc.

 

Sources:

Romano, Aja. “Kill La Kill: How the Year’s Most Polarizing Anime Became a Smash Hit.” The Daily Dot. 3 Apr. 2014. Web. 18 Apr. 2015. <http://www.dailydot.com/fandom/kill-la-kill-fanservice-anime-sexist-critique/>.

Atelier, Emily. “What (Not) to Wear: Undressing Kill La Kill’s Wardrobe [NSFW].” Atelier Emily. 17 Oct. 2013. Web. 18 Apr. 2015. <https://formeinfullbloom.wordpress.com/2013/10/17/what-not-to-wear-undressing-kill-la-kills-wardrobe-nsfw/>.

 

Discussion questions:

  1. Both of these examples were Japanese media mainly targeted toward young men. How are gender relationships portrayed in Japanese media primarily targeted towards women? Do romantic stories rely on classic gender roles? Do any dramas or shojo manga break these trends?

  2. Much of the criticism against Kill la Kill stems from its use of gratuitous nudity and from what many see is the sexual exploitation of its main characters. Could Kill la Kill have the same themes without the use of nudity? Could it have been toned down or eliminated while still having the same effect?

It’s the End of the World and We’re Okay With That: Looking at the Apocalyptic in Japanese Pop Culture

When you imagine an apocalypse, what comes to mind?  Probably images of destruction: ruined buildings, cities devoid of living people, a permeating sense of sadness and loss.  In reality, these are all things we fear.  Yet, the apocalyptic is one of the most prominent genres in Japanese pop culture.  Why is that so?

Prewar Origins: Natural Disasters, Mono no Aware and Mappō

Contrary to popular belief, Japanese culture was suffused with imaginations of the apocalyptic before postwar Japan.  That does not mean to say that the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, among other disasters, did not propagate an intense focus on the genre.  It merely asserts that the concern had already been established.

The Great Wave off Kanagawa, by Hokusai, 1820's.

The Great Wave off Kanagawa, by Hokusai, 1820’s.

To start off, Japan as a nation has had its fair share of natural disasters.  The country is located near two converging tectonic plates and is at the edge of the Pacific Ocean.  This means that Japan has constantly been subjected to a number of typhoons, volcanic eruptions, tsunamis and earthquakes over the course of its history.  In short, the destruction associated with those natural disasters had already become a part of Japanese culture over time.  A great example of this would be The Great Wave off Kanagawa by Hokusai, the image of a giant wave towering over Mt. Fuji being one of the most popular images associated with Japan today.

 

Japan Sinks, comic cover for the manga by Sakyo Komatsu

Japan Sinks, comic cover for the manga by Sakyo Komatsu

 

Another one of the earlier fundamental elements of the apocalyptic exclusive to Japanese culture is the concept of Mono no Aware.  The philosophy revolves around the awareness of impermanence.  This was developed in the Heian period, when a scholar named Motoori Norinaga wrote a critique on the famous Tale of Genji (Yoda).  His critique was the basis for the literary philosophy, which ended up being a major influence in Japanese culture.

 

Nausicaa of the Valley of the Wind, by Hayao Miyazaki

Nausicaa of the Valley of the Wind, by Hayao Miyazaki

 

The concept of Mappō is also an apocalyptic doctrine that has been present since Japan’s Kamakura Period.  As Susan Napier states, “Mappō revolves around the idea of a destroyed word being saved by a religious figure, who in this case was the Maitreyea Buddha” (252).  One of the best examples that has demonstrated this concept in Japanese popular culture was Hayao Miyazaki’s Nausicaa of the Valley of the Wind, where Nausicaa posed as the messianic figure that diverted the strife between humans and insects of a toxic jungle.

 

 

Postwar Origins: Unnatural Disasters and the Creation of Kaiju Eiga

Undoubtedly, Japan’s fascination with the apocalyptic grew exponentially postwar.  Japan is the only country that has ever been subjected to atomic attack, and many aspects of its pop culture were influenced by such events.

The Original Godzilla

The original Gojira, off the set

Gojira, the iconic monster that decimated Tokyo in films of the postwar era, was a creative response to the unnatural disasters that wrecked Japan in 1945 and 1954.  The Lucky Dragon incident of 1954, in which the United States’ Atomic Energy Commission set off a thermonuclear bomb near a Japanese fishing boat, brought back the fear associated with nuclear destruction (Szczepanski).

Such incidents, including elements that were present in Japanese culture before World War Two, are good reason to support why the apocalyptic genre is and continues to be a significant theme in Japanese popular culture.

Gojira’s creation led to the popularity of the monster film genre in Japan, or the kaiju eiga.  According to Gyan Prakash, kaiju eiga are a result of  “’mass trauma that exists over the use of nuclear weapons and the possibility of future nuclear wars’ while also reveling in the aesthetics of destruction….the peculiar beauties to be found in wreaking havoc, in making a mess” (107).

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With the continual presence of natural disasters in Japan and the foundations of Mono no Aware and Mappō doctrine already in place, the atomic bombs at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as the Lucky Dragon incident, set the stage for the rise of the apocalyptic genre in Japanese popular culture.

 

Discussion Questions:

1.  Godzilla spawned the beginning of the kaiju eiga genre in Japan.  Do you think the 2014 reboot was influenced primarily by the disaster at Fukushima (addressing a grand narrative) or because we just want to see big monsters fight it out (Azuma’s database)?

2.  Do you think that the apocalyptic genre has changed over time?  For example, it is said that the genre has become more optimistic in recent years, compared to the nihilistic qualities of the apocalyptic genre in the 1970’s and 80’s.

 

Sources:

Napier, Susan Jolliffe. Anime from Akira to Howl’s Moving Castle: Experiencing Contemporary Japanese Animation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

Prakash, Gyan. Noir Urbanisms: Dystopic Images of the Modern City. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010.

Szczepanski, Kallie. “Lucky Dragon Incident | Bikini Atoll Tests and Japanese Fishermen.” http://asianhistory.about.com/od/japan/p/Lucky-Dragon-Nuclear-Incident.htm.

Yoda, Tomiko. “Fractured Dialogues: Mono No Aware and Poetic Communication in The Tale of Genji.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies Vol. 59, no. No. 2 (1999).

Not Your Typical Magical Girl: The subculture of Grand Narrative Consumption.

Hiroki Azuma proposes that within postmodern otaku culture there is a lack of desire to consume the grand narrative, and instead otaku seek to consume a character database. However, there are several anime that can be pitted against his theory. One is called Mahou Shoujo Madoka Magica, a magical girl anime that completely deconstructs the magical girl genre. Madoka Magica is one of the few anime with a grand narrative that have made it into mainstream anime consumption. Azuma’s theory is that there is a lack of a grand narrative in postmodern anime and I agree that the grand narrative is dissipating, however, what can’t be seen on the surface of otaku culture is that there is still a subculture of anime that focuses on a grand narrative.

Database Consumption

Azuma built this idea off of Otsuka Eiji’s theory of narrative consumption. He modernizes it by claiming that postmodern otaku culture has further digressed from the consumption of small narratives in the 1980’s to a different consumption behavior in the 1990’s that focuses more on the desire for a specific set of characteristics a character may have that otaku feel “moe” towards, and he calls this “database consumption” (Azuma 38). The database is a list of these characteristics that many otaku find appealing, and what they strive to consume. Instead of looking for a story with meaningful plot they look for the characteristics of a character that they find attractive. There are also other attractive “moe-elements” other than visually appealing characteristics that include the way a character speaks, “settings”, “stereotypical narrative development”, and the “specific curves” or body proportions of a figurine (42). An example of this could be a character that is typically seen as a klutz and dimwitted. Otaku search out anime that contain this particular character trope and endlessly consume it. Magical girl characters are a perfect example of this character consumption model. The magical girl genre stereotypically contains characters that are cute, heroic, and seek to bring justice to those that do wrong. They can also contain typical anime characteristics like cat ears, maid-like or school-like uniforms, and colorful unnatural hair colors.

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Not so typical Magical Girls

However, there is a popular magical girl anime that breaks down Azuma’s Theory of database consumption that is called Mahou Shoujo Madoka Magica. It was written by Gen Urobuchi and directed by Akiyuki Shinbo, and is a series about Madoka Kaname, an eighth grader who decides to become a magical girl which is granted by a creature named Kyubey (MAL). Kyubey in turn grants them one wish, but in order for their wish to come true they must become a magical girl. Once they become a magical girl they receive a Soul Gem. These magical girls battle an opposing force called witches and this is supposed to represent a “good vs evil” framework. Throughout the anime we are confronted by dream-like and ‘cutesy’ imagery and also database representations of what a magical girl looks like, which is a magical girl fighting uniform and also unnatural hair colors. The main Character, Madoka, comes across as a naïve and hardworking junior high student who doesn’t have any hardships in her life but wants to selflessly help other people.

Initially Madoka Magica comes off as a generic Magical girl anime, but after the first few episodes the anime starts to take a darker more psychological turn. It completely “deconstructs” the magical girl genre and throws fans through a loop (Wu). After the death of one of the main characters there was an uproar within the fandom. Especially since the death came so “sudden and without warning” (Wu). The death threw the characters and fans into emotional turmoil and they started to discover the truth about what it meant to be a magical girl. By becoming a magical girl they are in a sense giving up their humanity, and this is shown in episode 6 when “Madoka threw away Sayaka Miki’s Soul Gem” (Wu). By doing this Madoka Magica uses a bait-and-switch style of marketing in which is presents the grand narrative to its viewers regardless of whether or not they were seeking it. They used the database as a camouflage and as a result, we are presented with a series that breaks away from the database as soon as it seduces its viewers.

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Madoka Magica also contrasts with mainstream database consumption anime merely by the amount of episodes that it is composed of. Unlike other magical girl anime, Madoka Magica is a 12 episode anime. Most magical girl anime are compose of approximately 50 or more episodes in which there is a generic repeating story arc where the characters face a new evil and defeat it successfully. Story arcs can be repeated hundreds of times and contain many filler episodes that contain no plot and only a light-hearted interactions between the characters in the series. Sailor Moon is a perfect example of a popular magical girl anime that is based off of character consumption with a small narrative in contrast to Madoka Magica that contains a database framework but also a grand narrative. Sailor moon is a series that contains 46 episodes in the first series, and goes on to repeat the good vs evil fight in several different story arcs. Despite the small amount of episodes, Madoka Magica successfully produces a grand narrative that is resolved within the last episode and leaves you fully satisfied with the story line.

Even though Madoka Magica strayed from the path of a typical Magical girl anime it was very successful. The very moment the true nature of Madoka Magica was revealed during episode 3 “the popular forum 2ch achieved a record-breaking number of posts discussing the anime” (Wu). The unexpected inclusion of a grand narrative solidified the consumer’s emotional investment into the story line of an anime that started off in a very generic way. The success of the anime was further confirmed when “the first Blu-ray Disc volume sold more than 50,000 copies in the first week of sales” which broke “the original record held by Bakemonogatari” and was only “surpassed a month later by its own second volume”(Wu). Though reactions to the anime were polarizing at times. Some original fans of the Magical girl genre opposed the deconstruction of what it mean to be a magical girl and don’t consider it a true magical girl anime. Even so, based on the differing reactions the anime drew, the subculture of otaku that still crave the grand narrative were drawn to the concept of the anime. Some even consumed it entirely for the purpose of the grand narrative it was said to contain. This shows that the database consumption model can be used as an effective marketing tool to draw viewers into a grand narrative.

Discussion Questions:

  • Do you think that the grand narrative is something that is currently on the rise in comparison to the 1990’s?
  • What do you think of the concept of genre deconstruction?
  • Do you think disguising the grand narrative in the database as a way to shock viewers is a good or bad thing?

Sources:

Azuma, Hiroki. “Chapter 2: Database Animals.” Otaku: Japan’s Database Animals. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota, 2009. 29-54. Print.

MAL. “Mahou Shoujo Madoka Magica.” My Anime List. MyAnimeList, LLC. Web. 5 Apr. 2015. <http://myanimelist.net/anime/9756/Mahou_Shoujo_Madoka%E2%98%85Magica/>.

Wu, Justin. “The Madoka Legacy: A Brief Review of Puella Magi Madoka Magica.” The Artifice. N.p., 22 Sept. 2013. Web. 05 Apr. 2015. <http://the-artifice.com/puella-magi-madoka-magica/>.

Related Links:

Top 20 Psychological anime – http://www.imdb.com/list/ls073030809/

My Neighbor Totoro Conspiracy theories – http://www.tofugu.com/2013/08/15/conspiracy-theory-totoro/

Satoshi Kon: Existentialism and Reality – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fp-IjV0wjIo

Cosplay Culture: A Study in Transculturation Gone Wrong?

By Victoria Mikolaski

Cosplay is a word that is becoming more well-known everyday with the exponentially increasing interest in everything that has to do with popular entertainment nowadays. The emergence of Marvel films and popular books and TV shows, and countless other franchises, has amassed fans from all over to each respective fandom. One thing that seems to link these fandoms is cosplay.

What is Cosplay?

The word “Cosplay” is an abbreviation for the phrase “costume play”, and is defined as a performance art in which participants dress up in a specific costume with accessories to represent a character or idea from their preferred TV show, book series, comic, anime and/or manga, movie, video games, or any other form of entertainment. This also includes music groups like Visual Kei rock bands, the most popular choice among cosplayers in Japan. Cosplayers buy, or make from scratch, their costumes and props, basing their character’s look on reference pictures taken directly from the source for greater accuracy in color schemes and costume design. All this effort is solely for the purpose of expressing their affections for existing narratives, an effort in reworking these stories through various media. A “fannish subculture”, cosplay culture is also closely linked to other groups set on achieving the same goals: fanfiction, fanart, and fan videos to name a few. Cosplay motivates fans to interpret existing works, and not only perform them but extend them with their own narratives and ideas. It is a way for fans to actualize fiction in everyday life, and in doing so subvert reality for a while.

History: Cosplay’s Origin Story

Forrest J. Ackerman showing off his futuristic costume at the 1st Sci-Fi WorldCon in 1939

Forrest J. Ackerman showing off his futuristic costume at the 1st Sci-Fi WorldCon in 1939

Curiously enough, the origin story of cosplay is still debated among cosplayers today. Based on photographic evidence, I will tell the version most likely to be true. Cosplay is agreed to have been around since conventions began. It is said to have started as early as 1939 in the U.S. with Forrest J. Ackerman when he attended the first World Science Fiction Convention in New York wearing a futuristic costume (made by his girlfriend Myrtle R. Douglas). That led to the ever-increasing interest in costume-wearing at conventions in the 1960s and 1970s, namely shown by dressing up not only as characters from the popular sci-fi TV shows Star Trek and Star Wars, but also characters from the classics like DC comics Batman. Soon after this hobby swept the nation, Nobuyuki Takahashi (founder of Studio Hard) traveled to the U.S. and attended the 1984 Los Angeles Sci-Fi World Convention and encountered costuming practices there. He promptly returned to Japan and wrote an article about his experiences at the convention, encouraging his readers to try the hobby and incorporate it Into Japanese anime and manga conventions. It was he who coined the term “cosplay”. The first appearance of cosplay in Japan was in 1978 at a fan event, so either Japanese fans had the same idea around the time American fans were increasing their practice of cosplay in the 1970s, or the Japanese fans heard about it from America earlier and the encouragement from one of their own celebrities around a decade later got cosplay enough traction to become a major practice in Japanese fan culture. Nevertheless, Japanese fans gained interest in making costumes for their anime and manga conventions and the craze spread from there, finally returning full circle to the U.S. with a distinctly Japanese vibe attached to it.

Cosplay Today: Not What it Once Was

Presently in the U.S., cosplay is restricted to limited and specific settings: conventions and other similar get-togethers separate from the rest of the community. The cultural practices attached to cosplay are intentionally separated from everyday life and the professional atmosphere. In Japan, cosplay is more intertwined with the public domain. For example, participants often gather in public parks of Akihabara and Harajuku districts. Cosplay is also a large part of consumption culture: shops sell wigs and full costumes, and costume restaurants attract fan customers. That cosplay is a professional practice shows that it has a more prominent role in Japanese society than that of the West. Such emphasis in the professional world also indicates that cosplay is a selling point for Japan’s economy nationally and internationally. There is an integration through advertising in which the Advertising industry now uses cosplay models, “Cosplay Idols”, to show off costumes for anime, manga, and video game companies. They are viewed as fictional characters in the flesh, thus encouraging the younger generation’s interest in whatever they are advertising and keeping that interest, as opposed to an inanimate object or character that inevitably falls under the category of fiction and ‘not real’ in its 2D-ness. In recent years these promotional models have been requested for other areas of commercial goods, such as food and beverage commerce as well as fashion stores, clubs, restaurants, and other franchises.

Cosplay/idol group Steam Girls cosplaying Yuki Jirushi Coffee’s café au lait Finalist Mascot Costumes (2013)

Cosplay/idol group ‘Steam Girls’ cosplaying Yuki Jirushi Coffee’s café au lait Finalist Mascot Costumes (2013)

Americans now associate cosplay with Japan. Anime and manga are immediately linked to cosplay, but not original material such as Star Trek or Star Wars. The two types of material have been essentially separated into two different categories despite coming from the same beginnings and engaging in the same cultural practices. U.S. and Japanese goods are even being sold side-by-side at conventions, and still cosplay is considered the “other” and inherently different from the U.S. cultural and national identity. Transculturation in this case complicates the notions of national and cultural identity. Is cosplay now inherently Japanese even through the concept seems to have originated in the U.S. and still practices the same things? I would argue that the West is relabeling this cultural practice as Japanese because it fits into what is considered to be “otherness”. Dressing up as a fictional character and role-playing could be stereotypical of Japanese “weirdness” and “quirkiness” (and often cult-esque behavior). The U.S. would then be Orientalizing Japan to distance itself from its own cultural “weirdness”. Japan is then taking advantage of this “otherness” and capitalizing on the brand nationalism that cosplay provides. This however, leaves the secondary category of cosplay in an odd position. It is not inherently Japanese, but it does follow the same practices.

Two sides of the cosplay coin. Is Deadpool destined to be the only character who can cross this barrier?

Two sides of the cosplay coin. Is Deadpool destined to be the only character who can cross this barrier?

By definition cosplay should be culturally neutral and odorless, because the way it operates is the same wherever cosplay culture occurs. Cosplayers go to the conventions, attend panels, participate in the Masquerade, and buy goods produced by the fandom and the original works’ producers. Cosplayers mirror typical fans in that they serve as consumers and producers simultaneously.  Western and Japanese-based cosplay practices occur in the same space at conventions, so why are they perceived as different? What’s more is that gender, class, age, and identity do not seem to have any bearing on who participates in this culture. All fandoms are welcome, so the range of interests includes all genders and age groups. Because all that is required is attendance and engaging in the fun, class also has no bearing on participation. Identity as a consumer or producer varies, a small but not insignificant portion of the attendees at conventions self-identify as both consumer and producer in the commercial context of selling their wares, which are mainly hand-crafted. Often larger conventions are national and international events. This means that there is no reason for there to be a distinction between U.S. cosplay and Japanese cosplay, as the participants are diverse enough to make the culture nation-less and culturally odorless. Ultimately, it is up to the cosplayers and fanbase in general to decide whether the origins matter.

 

Discussion Questions:

Transculturation is the process of globalization in which an asymmetrical encounter of various cultures result in the transformation of an existing artifact and the creation of a new style. As the products get circulated globally they become by default less marked, more culturally odorless, thus the origins become less important.

  1. By this definition, why has cosplay culture been re-marked as Japanese rather than become culturally and nationally odorless after being circulated globally from the U.S.?
  2. How should the Western category of cosplay be labeled now that the subculture overall has been culturally and nationally marked as Japanese?
  3. Is cosplay capable of transcending nationality and becoming culturally odorless?
  4. Can you think of another product that has undergone a similar transformation? If yes, what allowed it to happen?

 

Sources

Ackerman, Forrest J. “Through Time and Space with Forry Ackerman (Part 1)”. Mimosa 16: 4-6. (1994) Web. 20 Mar 2015. <http://www.jophan.org/mimosa/m16/ackerman.htm>

Baseel, Casey. “Coffee mascot event with cosplaying idols proves to be too much for some fans to handle”. Rocket News 24. (2013) Web. 26 Mar 2015. < http://en.rocketnews24.com/2013/08/09/coffee-mascot-event-with-cosplaying-idols-proves-to-be-too-much-for-some-fans-to-handle/>

Frankenhoff, Brent. 2011, “It All Began…. “. Beautiful Balloons CBG #1677. (May 2011). Web. 21 Mar 2015. <http://www.cbgxtra.com/blogs/beautiful-balloons/it-all-began-%E2%80%A6-beautiful-balloons-cbg-1677-may-2011>

Napier, Susan Jolliffe. From Impressionism to Anime: Japan as Fantasy and Fan Cult in the Mind of the West. First edition. Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

Winge, Theresa. 2006, “Costuming the Imagination: Origins of Anime and Manga Cosplay”. Mechademia Vol. 1: 65-76. (2006) doi: 10.1353/mec.0.0084

From Plastic Toys to Plastic Boys: The Rise of K-Pop and K-Cool

What is the ‘K-Wave’?

SHINee is one of the most popular Korean boy groups. But what is it that makes them so appealing?

While Japan has often been thought of as an Asian cultural superpower — with its trendy fashion, tech-savvy devices, and irresistible anime — another Asian wave of culture is steadily encroaching upon Japan’s established ‘coolness’: the Korean wave. Also called hallyu, the Korean wave is a term used to describe the tsunami of South Korean entertainment and culture that began flooding Asia starting from the 1990s, and now recently into Western parts of the world. The Korean wave includes Korean TV dramas, films, and pop music, which is known across the globe as ‘K-Pop.’ These cultural products have become staples in Asian markets formerly dominated by Japan and Hong Kong.

The Korean government has promoted hallyu, using it as a form of soft power, a term American political scientist Joseph Nye calls the ability for a country to attract rather than coerce another country as a means of persuasion. The Korean Foundation was established in 1991, a cultural tool that was formed much more recently than The Japan Foundation in 1972. In addition to the Foundation, the Korean government has also created the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism, as well as the Presidential Council on National Branding, which aims to promote Korea’s global image, to right its misconceptions about Korea, its culture, products, and people, and to raise respect to support Korean business and nationals abroad.

Famous American artist MC Hammer poses with PSY at the American Music Awards.

Though the Korean government has taken extraordinary measures to encourage its students to travel abroad, this article aims to focus on K-pop and its effectiveness in the West. Korean pop music is a blend not just of Western and traditional, but of new and old. The music features catchy urban beats, easy dance moves, and lyric hooks that are often sung in English. Neither the boys’ nor girl groups’ lyrics or music videos generally refer to overt sex, drinking, or clubbing — which are usually the most popular themes in Western music. From PSY’s kooky horse gestures to Girl’s Generation’s sleek and slender legs, how exactly did the K-Wave become so big in such a small amount of time? Part of the answer lies within Japan’s globalizing methods.

 

 

J-Cool’s Globalizing Methods

K-Pop’s sudden craze in the West isn’t anything new. Koichi Iwabuchi’s Recentering Globalization capitalizes on the decentering of Western influence and the dispersion of non-Western influences that are progressively gaining more global influence — specifically Japanese ‘J-Cool’ since the burst of the bubble economy. This transnational model highlights ideas that culture is not limited to a national framework, does not flow in only one direction, and transnational cultural flows do not displace a nation’s established boundaries, thoughts, or feelings. In the case of Japan, Iwabuchi argues that Japan has little to no cultural presence in the goods it exports to other nations. Japanese products, he claims, are ‘culturally odorless’ (mukokuseki), as they do not contain many traces of Japanese cultural features within them and instead these features are erased or softened.

Iwabuchi’s theories of transculturation and odorlessness can be exemplified through Japanese music companies and the ways in which they dominated the Asian music industry. In the early 1990s, Japanese music industry aimed less to promote its Japanese musicians in the East and Southeast Asian markets; rather, the industry sought out indigenous pop stars who could then be sold to pan-Asian markets with Japanese pop production knowledge. In other words, the Japanese music industries took a back-stage role, and did not overtly promote its own Japanese artists across Asia. Instead of a Japanese band or musician, a non-Japanese artist was found and promoted across pan-Asian countries who could connect more to other Asian nations than Japan itself.

A CD cover for Shanghai Performance Doll.

An example of this can be seen through spin-off groups of popular J-Pop groups in Japan, where the spin-off group members were non-Japanese. A group called “Shanghai Performance Doll,” for example, was a secondary group to Japan’s J-Pop girl group “Tokyo Performance Doll.” Shanghai’s mandarin-speaking group was immensely popular in China, while Japan had its own original Japanese group.

In all, Japan has established itself as a cultural superpower not only in Asia, but also in the West. Using its capital, its management know-how, and its marketing strategies, Japan had taken a dominant marketing role rather than the stage role in the music industry. By using indigenous Asians as their stars, Japan’s cultural presence seemed almost ‘odorless’ and invisible. However, while Japan sits on a formidable reserve of soft power, Korea’s music industries have built off of Japan’s methods, and have now perfected the process.

 

How K-Pop has Perfected Japan’s Methods

Jessica was born and raised in California, and eventually recruited to be part of Girl’s Generation.

While Japan had searched for non-Japanese stars, Korea is different in that it specifically scouts for singers of Korean origin. This, in effect, makes K-Pop far from being deemed culturally odorless. Three music agencies dominate the K-pop industry: S.M. Entertainment is the largest, followed by J.Y.P. Entertainment and Y.G. Entertainment. The agencies act as manager, agent, and promoter, controlling every aspect of an idol’s career: record sales, concerts, publishing, endorsements, and TV appearances. The agencies recruit twelve to nineteen year olds from around the world, through both open auditions and a network of scouts – though contestants who are of Korean origin and can speak Native English or Chinese are highly prized and preferred. In addition to singing and dancing, the idols study acting and three main languages: Japanese, Chinese, and English. Though on average, only one in ten trainees make it all the way to a debut.

Lee Soo-man, S.M. Entertainment’s founder, is known as K-pop’s constructor. Lee retired as the agency’s C.E.O. in 2010, but he still takes a hand in forming the trainees into idol groups, including S.M.’s newest one, EXO. The group consists of twelve boys, where six are Korean members who make up “EXO-K,” and the other six is a mixture of ethnically Chinese members or Korean boys who can speak Chinese that make up “EXO-M.” The two subgroups release songs at the same time in their respective countries and languages, and promote them simultaneously, thereby achieving “perfect localization,” as Lee calls it. An example of this can be seen in EXO-K and EXO-M’s release of their first single, ‘Mama,’ which attempts to sell the groups as boys who are gifted with supernatural abilities. In reference to promoting EXO-M, a group that is not all ethnically Korean, Lee adds:

 “It may be a Chinese artist or a Chinese company, but what matters in the end is the fact that it was made by [Korea’s] cultural technology. S.M. Entertainment and I see culture as a type of technology. But cultural technology is much more exquisite and complex than information technology.” — Lee Soo-man

S.M. Entertainment and other Korean music industries draw from Japan’s technique of creating spin-off groups containing members who are not of their national origin. They establish the Japanese idea of working behind the scenes when it comes to controlling the marketing and exporting techniques of the non-Korean group. However, while the idols sing in Japanese and Chinese, the sounds, style of the music, and videos adhere to Korean principles that had made them popular in Korea.

Members of boy group INFINITE practice their positions and gestures in a dance studio.

K-Pop companies further their success through manuals. In S.M.’s case, Lee produced a manual of cultural technology, abbreviated as “C.T.,” where he catalogues the steps necessary to popularize K-pop artists in different Asian countries. The manual, which all S.M. recruiters are instructed to learn, explains the camera angles to be used in the music videos, when to bring in foreign composers, producers, and choreographers, as well as the minute specifics, such as the precise color of eye shadow a performer should wear in a particular country and the exact hand gestures he or she should make. S.M.’s stars are made and perfected into idols according to a sophisticated system of artistic development.

Thus, K-Pop has been able to tap into Japan’s globalized music efforts and perfect them. They are so perfect, in fact, that Western artists are recognizing K-Pop’s prestige, like American artist will.i.am who collaborated with Y.G. Entertainment’s English-speaking girl group 2NE1. Even Nicki Minaj is inspired by 2NE1, to the point that some of her music videos contain Korean influences.

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K-Pop Using Anime Fan Communities As A Start?

The members of VIXX. Starting from top left: Hyuk, Hongbin, Ken, Ravi, Leo, and N.

A large quantity of Japanese soft power derives from anime and manga — and lately, K-Pop groups are starting to tap into Western fan communities of Japanese culture. One recent example of this was at Otakon 2012, one of the bigger anime conventions held on the East Coast of the US. A rising K-Pop group called VIXX (which stands for Voice, Visual, Value in Excelsis) made their first Western debut in America at the convention, with concert, autograph sessions, Q&A, and all. The group was formed much like One Direction had been on Britain’s X Factor: they were formed by the judges, and then deemed the favorite group by the audience who voted for them in a popular Korean star-search show called My Dol.

VIXX even seems to portray itself as a group that comes out of a videogame, as seen in their latest music video, ‘Rock Ur Body.’

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The group also has a video blog and video diary series on YouTube called VIXX TV, where fans can be updated of where the K-Pop members are, as well as see what they do on a daily life schedule. By having gorgeous faces and bodies, and by giving fans the ability to track their personal lives as a star, K-Pop groups almost seem as if they are fictional characters themselves from a pop idol anime — the only difference being that they are actually real, and in the flesh.

 

Who Is the Dominant Asian Cultural Superpower Now?

Though Japan has gained prestige as a cultural superpower in both Asia and the West, Korea seems to be catching up through its music industry. While Japan created a basic formula for dominating the music industry in Asia using mukokuseki, Korean pop companies have perfected Japan’s methods and have even popularized Korean music not only in Asia, but in the West as well. This brings one to speculate as to whether or not the K-Wave has the potential to take Japan’s place as the dominant Asian cultural power.

 

QUESTIONS

⑴ Could Korea’s effectiveness in the Western markets and in Asia be because of Japan’s ‘imperialistic’ history over Asian countries, and how Asia has harsh criticisms of Japan’s history?

⑵ Is there an overlap between K-Pop and Japanese anime/manga? Can K-Pop be seen as an easy transfer from anime/manga fans and be easier to be introduced to it? How?

⑶ K-Pop has imitated Japan’s music industry model, and has even started to tap into Japan’s fan communities of anime and manga. Can Azuma’s database model theory be applied to Korean Pop artists/singers/bands? (ex. hair styles, physique, legs, etc.) Why or why not?

⑷ Do you think it’s possible for both K-Pop and J-Cool to coexist? Or will one outdo the other in the future?

⑸ Is the J-Wave even on a decline? How so, or how is it not?

 

SOURCES

Bush, Richard. Public Diplomacy in Northeast Asia: A Comparative Perspective. 30 May 2012. TS. The Brookings Institution, Washington D.C.

Iwabuchi, Koichi. Recentering Globalization. Durham: Duke University Press, 2002. Print.

Nye, Joseph. “Soft Power.” Foreign Policy 80.1 (1990): 153-171 Print.

Seabrook, John. “Factory Girls: Cultural Technology and the Making of K-pop.” The New Yorker. 8 October 2012. 25 November 2012. Web.